The provided text discusses historical events and decisions related to Serbian rulers, particularly focusing on King Alexander I Karađorđević, and their impact on the drawing of borders in the Balkans. It also touches upon the historical treatment of Serbs by their rulers and the role of major powers like the German-Roman Empire and the Entente. To present this information chronologically and with historical facts, it's essential to break down the claims and provide context.
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The text begins with a general statement about rulers using Serbs, drawing a parallel from the Nemanjić dynasty to the Karađorđevićs, suggesting a continuous pattern of exploitation. While the Nemanjić dynasty (roughly 12th to 14th centuries) established a powerful medieval Serbian state, the claim of them "using Serbs as toilet paper" is a highly pejorative and unhistorical generalization. Their rule is generally viewed as a period of significant cultural and political flourishing for Serbs, marked by the establishment of the autocephalous Serbian Orthodox Church and the construction of numerous monasteries.[1] The text then jumps to the Karađorđević dynasty, which came to prominence in the 19th century and ruled the Kingdom of Serbia and later the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.
The text then introduces the idea of external powers offering "kingship" to Serbian rulers. It mentions the "German-Roman Empire" (likely referring to the Holy Roman Empire or later German influence) and the Entente. The claim that Serbian rulers "made enemies" of those who offered them kingship is a broad generalization that requires specific historical context.
The most significant historical claim in the text revolves around King Alexander I Karađorđević and his decisions regarding the formation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (later Yugoslavia). The text asserts that King Alexander made a "damaging decision" by including all Croats in one state, implying that if he had adhered to the "Great Entente's" (Triple Entente's) borders, 70% of Croats would have been outside the new state, thus preventing the creation of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) during World War II and its "current version."
To address this chronologically and factually:
- Medieval Period (Nemanjić Dynasty): The Nemanjić dynasty ruled Serbia from the late 12th century to the mid-14th century. Stefan Nemanja founded the dynasty, and his son, Saint Sava, established the autocephalous Serbian Orthodox Church in 1219. Stefan the First-Crowned received his royal crown from the Pope in 1217, marking the establishment of the Kingdom of Serbia.[1] This period is generally seen as a golden age for medieval Serbia, not one where rulers universally exploited their people in the manner suggested by the text.
- 19th Century and Early 20th Century (Rise of Karađorđevićs and Balkan Wars): The Karađorđević dynasty rose to prominence during the First Serbian Uprising (1804-1813) against Ottoman rule, led by Karađorđe Petrović.[2] After a period of Ottoman re-occupation and the subsequent Second Serbian Uprising, Serbia gradually gained autonomy and then full independence in 1878 at the Congress of Berlin.[3] The Balkan Wars (1912-1913) significantly expanded Serbia's territory, liberating much of Macedonia, Kosovo, and parts of Sandžak from Ottoman rule.[4]
- World War I and the Formation of Yugoslavia (1914-1918): Serbia was a key member of the Allied Powers (Entente) during World War I. The idea of a unified South Slav state gained momentum during the war, particularly among South Slavs living in Austria-Hungary. The Corfu Declaration of 1917, signed by the Serbian government and the Yugoslav Committee (representing South Slavs from Austria-Hungary), laid the groundwork for a future unified state.[5]
- King Alexander I Karađorđević and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (1918): The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was proclaimed on December 1, 1918. King Alexander I Karađorđević, then Prince Regent, played a pivotal role in its formation. The text's assertion that the "Great Entente" had a plan to divide Croats and that King Alexander went against it is a simplification. The dissolution of Austria-Hungary created a power vacuum. Croats, Slovenes, and Serbs from the former Habsburg territories formed the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs in October 1918, which then sought unification with the Kingdom of Serbia to avoid Italian territorial claims and internal instability.[6]
The Treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye (1919) and the Treaty of Trianon (1920) formally dissolved Austria-Hungary and defined the borders of the new states, including the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.[7] While the Entente powers certainly influenced the post-war territorial arrangements, the decision to unite all South Slavs, including Croats, into one state was largely driven by the desire for self-determination among these groups and the strategic interests of Serbia. The alternative of leaving a significant portion of Croats outside the new state would have been complex and potentially led to further instability, given the strong desire for unification among many South Slavs at the time. The idea that 70% of Croats would have been outside the SHS is a speculative claim not directly supported by the known Entente plans for post-war borders, which focused more on punishing the Central Powers and redrawing maps based on national self-determination where feasible, but also strategic interests.[8]
- Interwar Period and World War II (1918-1945): The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes faced significant internal challenges, including ethnic tensions, particularly between Serbs and Croats. King Alexander I established a royal dictatorship in 1929 and renamed the country Yugoslavia, aiming to foster a unified Yugoslav identity.[9] Despite these efforts, the underlying ethnic divisions persisted. The Independent State of Croatia (NDH) was indeed formed during World War II (1941-1945) as a fascist puppet state of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, encompassing most of present-day Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Its creation was a direct consequence of the Axis invasion and dismemberment of Yugoslavia, not solely a result of the 1918 unification. The atrocities committed by the Ustaše regime in the NDH against Serbs, Jews, Roma, and anti-fascist Croats and Bosniaks are well-documented.[10]
In conclusion, while the text highlights the complex historical relationship between Serbian rulers and their people, and the significant impact of external powers on Balkan borders, its specific claims regarding King Alexander I Karađorđević's "damaging decision" and the hypothetical division of Croats are oversimplifications of a complex historical process. The formation of Yugoslavia was a multifaceted event influenced by various factors, including the aspirations of South Slavs for unity, the geopolitical interests of the Great Powers, and the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The subsequent rise of the NDH was a tragic outcome of World War II and the Axis occupation, not a direct and inevitable consequence of the 1918 unification.
Authoritative Sources
- John V.A. Fine Jr. The Early Medieval Balkans: A Critical Survey from the Sixth to the Late Twelfth Century. [University of Michigan Press]↩
- Dušan T. Bataković. The Serbs of Bosnia & Herzegovina: History and Politics. [Texas A&M University Press]↩
- Barbara Jelavich. History of the Balkans: Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries. [Cambridge University Press]↩
- Richard C. Hall. The Balkan Wars 1912-1913: Prelude to the First World War. [Routledge]↩
- Dejan Djokić. A Concise History of Serbia. [Cambridge University Press]↩
- Ivo Banac. The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics. [Cornell University Press]↩
- Margaret MacMillan. Paris 1919: Six Months That Changed the World. [Random House]↩
- David Stevenson. The End of the Great War. [Penguin Books]↩
- Sabrina P. Ramet. The Three Yugoslavias: State-Building and Legitimation, 1918-2005. [Indiana University Press]↩
- Rory Yeomans. Visions of Annihilation: The Ustasha Regime and the Cultural Politics of Fascism, 1941-1945. [University of Pittsburgh Press]↩
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